High Price

from white parents. I tried to be as patient as possible in my response. I’d point out that I too was a concerned parent with three sons—two within the critical ages of concern—and how I have educated the two that I raised about drugs without exaggerations. I explained that my twenty-plus years of drug research experience has taught me many important lessons, but perhaps none more important than this—drug effects are predictable. As you increase the drug dose, there is more potential for toxic effects. Black boys’ and men’s interactions with the police, however, are not predictable. I worried all the time about the very real possibility that my own children would be targeted by law enforcement because they “fit the description” of a drug user or because someone thought they were under the influence of drugs. Too often in these cases the black youngster ends up dead. Ramarley Graham and Trayvon Martin both were believed to have drugs or be under the influence of them.
    In addition to giving more public talks, I was invited to join nonscientific advocacy organizations. I was particularly intrigued by an invitation to join the board of directors of America’s leading organization dedicated to changing the drug laws: the Drug Policy Alliance (DPA). This was a difficult decision. I knew it would put me in an awkward position with the man who’d recruited me to Columbia, Herb Kleber. Herb had served under President George H. W. Bush as deputy drug czar from 1989 to 1991; many of his views were in line with those of most politicians who claim that drugs are evil and that we should pursue a “drug-free America” at any cost. The DPA was about as far away on the political spectrum from Herb’s view of drug policy as it was possible to get. When I told Herb that I was considering joining the DPA board, he warned that it wasn’t a wise thing to do at this stage of my career—I was being considered for tenure. In order to reach a decision, I also spoke with a prominent black former DPA board member, who told me to be careful about being used because of my race. In this person’s view, DPA was a white organization concerned mainly with legalizing marijuana so that white boys could smoke without fear of harassment by the police. As a result, they were far less concerned about fighting the racial discrimination so prevalent in the drug war. I considered all of these things but ultimately joined the board. It was my way of making a very public statement about my views on our country’s misguided drug policies that disproportionately target blacks. It was also my way of making sure that the leading group challenging current drug policies was fully informed about and had access to the best scientific research.
    One of DPA’s mottos is that it promotes “alternatives to current drug policy that are grounded in science , compassion, health and human rights.” This really appealed to me because it suggested that this organization understood the importance of using science to inform drug policies and ultimately enhance health and human rights. After I had spent five years of service on the DPA board, however, it became inescapably obvious that their understanding of science was slightly different from my own. I naively thought that the scientific evidence would guide DPA’s focus and positions taken much as it does in my own research. In my view, if DPA had simply followed the scientific evidence, their priorities would look quite different. Rather than a predominant focus on marijuana legalization and increasing the number of states with medical marijuana programs, unbiased scientifically informed public education about drugs would be the major priority. The evidence that I have presented throughout this book suggests that the average person is woefully ignorant about illegal drugs and their use. As a result, an organization like DPA could fill an important knowledge gap if they spearheaded public education campaigns aimed at enhancing the intellectual tone around drug-related issues that substantially impact public health. For example, because the majority of heroin overdoses occurs in combination with another sedative—mostly alcohol—a massive media campaign warning users to avoid combining heroin with other sedatives would not only be educational—it could also be lifesaving. I also recognize that government agencies, such as ONDCP and NIDA, should take the lead on these efforts, but they have