Mayflower

which Massasoit traced a pictograph is at the Plymouth County Commissioners Office, Plymouth, Massachusetts; see also Jeremy Bangs’s Indian Deeds, p. 277. For an account of Usamequin/Massasoit’s “other life” as a Nipmuck sachem, see Dennis Connole’s The Indians of Nipmuck Country in Southern New England, 1630–1750. pp. 65–66, 76, 78. One of the first scholars to be aware of Massasoit/Usamequin’s presence among the Nipmucks was Samuel Drake, who in the Book of the Indians cites documents referring to Massasoit/Usamequin’s 1661 complaint to Massachusetts officials concerning Uncas and the Mohegans, pp. 102–3; in a note, Drake writes, “By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons.” Interestingly, in a document cited by Drake, John Mason, a Connecticut official sympathetic to Uncas, claims in a letter to Massachusetts officials that “Alexander, alias Wamsutta, sachem of Sowams, being now at Plymouth, he challenged Quabaug Indians to belong to him; and further said that he did war against Uncas this summer on that account,” p. 103. On the relationship of the Nipmucks to other tribes in New England, see Bert Swalen’s “Indians of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period” in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 15, edited by Bruce Trigger, p. 174. According to a letter dated “28 of the 1st [16]61,” from John Eliot, Massasoit/Usamequin had by that point changed his name once again to Matchippa, MHS Proceedings, vol. 3, pp. 312–13. See also Josiah Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 42–48, and the April 21, 1638, and March 7, 1644, entries of John Winthrop’s Journal, edited by James Hosmer, vol. 1, p. 269, and vol. 2, p. 160. The last reference to Massasoit/Usamequin in the Plymouth Court Records is dated May 4, 1658, in which he and his son are suspected of harboring an Indian guilty of murder, PCR, vol. 2, p. 133; there is a 1659 deed with Massasoit/Usamequin’s name on it, but it is unsigned; see Bangs, Indian Deeds, p. 293. Richard Smith’s claim that he did not know about the Plymouth ban on purchasing land from the Indians is in Bangs’s Indian Deeds, pp. 285–86. Bangs refers to Wamsutta’s refusal to part with a portion of the land his father had agreed to sell to the English, p. 84. On John Sassamon, see Yasuhide Kawashima’s Igniting King Philip’s War, pp. 76–87; Kawashima suggests that Sassamon may have urged Wamsutta to acquire English names for himself and his brother; the request is dated June 13, 1660, PCR, vol. 2, p. 192. William Hubbard in The History of the Indian Wars in New England recounts how Massasoit brought his two sons to John Brown’s house, pp. 46–47.
    CHAPTER TWELVE- The Trial
    George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony writes, “For the people who left England to settle Plymouth, the working out of this relationship with God in a new world offered excitement and the challenge of great adventure. By 1650 the adventure was over, the spontaneity which had fired the hearts of the early settlers gone,” p. 140; Langdon also writes of the Half-Way Covenant and its impact on Plymouth, pp. 130–33. Joseph Conforti provides an excellent account of the second generation of English in Plymouth Colony in Imagining New England, pp. 36–78. The reference to “a strange vine” comes from the Plymouth Church Records, vol. 1, p. 151. On the economic development of New England and the impact of the Restoration, see Bernard Bailyn’s The New England Merchants in Seventeenth Century, pp. 75–142. Langdon writes of Plymouth’s relative poverty and the teasing prospect of a port at Mount Hope in Pilgrim Colony, p. 142. Jeremy Bangs in Indian Deeds refers to the reserve tracts of 1640, in which Causumpsit Neck, i.e., Mount Hope Neck, “is the chief habitation of the Indians, and reserved for them to dwell upon,” p. 63. Russell Shorto writes of the fall of New Netherland to the English in The Island at the Center of the World, pp. 284–300. Samuel Maverick, who had been one of the first settlers in Massachusetts, was appointed one of Charles II’s commissioners and in a 1660 manuscript account of New England describes Plymouth residents as “mongrel Dutch” and speaks of their “sweet trade” with New