Mayflower

Lucas’s long record of public drunkenness, p. 135. Increase Mather in HKPW writes of Weetamoo’s death and the “diabolical lamentation” of her people when they saw her dissevered head, p. 191. Mather in HKPW writes of Sagamore John’s execution of Matoonas, p. 185. Samuel Sewall records the hanging deaths of the Nipmuck sachems on Boston Common in his diary, p. 27. The description of Totoson’s death is from Church. According to a personal communication from Ella Sekatau, Totoson survived and escaped to Connecticut, and his descendants include Sekatau.
    George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony compares the percentage casualty rate in World War II to that of Plymouth Colony in King Philip’s War, pp. 181–82; my thanks to Michael Hill for providing me with the casualty rate for the Civil War. Sherburne Cook in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline among the New England Indians,” Ethnohistory, vol. 20, Winter 1973, provides the statistics concerning the Native American losses during King Philip’s War, p. 22. Stephen Webb in 1676 : The End of American Independence writes that “the Anglo-Iroquoian attack on Philip’s forces in February 1675/6 had been the decisive action in the war,” p. 370. Philip was ahead of his time in recognizing the importance of having a European ally in a war against the English. In The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton write, “By the 1720s, nothing could have been clearer than that any [Native] people who wished to defend its autonomy needed a European ally and arms-supplier to do so. In every clash between colonists and natives, from Metacom’s War to the destruction of the Yamassees, what weighed decisively in favor of the English colonies was not the martial skill of the militia—which was mostly negligible—but rather that the colonists had the ability to replenish exhausted stocks of arms, ammunition, and food while the Indians—except for those who had a European ally to supply them—did not,” p. 88. Increase Mather in HKPW claims that during his final night Philip “dreamed that he was fallen into the hands of the English,” p. 194. My account of the workings of a flintlock musket are based on the description provided by Patrick Malone in The Skulking Way of War, p. 34. The drawing and quartering of notorious rebels was expected in seventeenth-century England; soon after the Restoration, Oliver Cromwell’s body was exhumed and then drawn and quartered. The account of how the Plymouth church reaffirmed its covenant on July 18 and Church’s arrival with Philip’s head on the day of Thanksgiving on August 17 are in Plymouth Church Records, vol. 1, pp. 151, 152–53. In his Magnalia, Cotton Mather writes of his strange, and telling, response to seeing Philip’s head at Plymouth: “[U]pon a certain occasion [I] took off the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan,” p. 197; according to Jill Lepore in The Name of War, “By stealing Philip’s jawbone, his mouth, [Mather] put an end to Philip’s blasphemy (literally, his evil utterances),” pp. 174–75. Schultz and Tougias in King Philip’s War describe the building of the palisade fort at Plymouth during the war and write, “It was on this palisade that Philip’s head was set after his death,” pp. 125–26. Ebenezer Peirce, who was commissioned by Zerviah Mitchell, a descendant of Massasoit’s, to write Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy, accuses Benjamin Church of exaggerating his accomplishments in the war, especially when it came to the descent down the rock face prior to capturing Annawon, pp. 207–8. While Annawon’s Rock, located in Rehoboth and marked by a plaque (see Schultz and Tougias’s King Philip’s War, p. 131), may not be as steep as Church suggests, an observer only has to imagine the circumstances under which he attempted the descent to appreciate the daring it required. Hubbard in HIWNE writes of Annawon’s reference to the Praying Indians and the young warriors being the primary causes of the war, as well as his views about “a Great God that overruled all,” pp. 277–78. In June 1677, Josiah Winslow sent most of Philip’s royalties as a gift to the king of England; in the accompanying letter, he described them as “these few Indian rarities,