Mayflower

being the best of the spoils, and best of the ornaments and treasure of sachem Philip the grand rebel, the most of them taken from him by Capt. Benjamin Church (a person of great loyalty and the most successful of our commanders) when he was slain by him; being his crown, his gorge, and two belts of their own making of their gold and silver,” in MHS Proceedings, 1863–64, p. 481. As Schultz and Tougias relate in King Philip’s War, the royalties and letter were sent via Winslow’s brother-in-law in Essex, England, who appears never to have delivered them to the king. Where the artifacts are now “remains a mystery,” p. 140. Hubbard in HIWNE claims that Church and his men brought in seven hundred Indians between June and the end of October 1676, and that another three hundred had “come in voluntarily,” pp. 272–73.
    EPILOGUE- Conscience
    Almon Lauber in Indian Slavery in Colonial Times writes of the departure of Captain Sprague from Plymouth with 178 slaves, as well as the law concerning the removal of all male Indians over fourteen years of age, pp. 125, 145. Jill Lepore in The Name of War provides an excellent discussion of slavery in King Philip’s War and the controversy surrounding what to do with Philip’s son, pp. 150–63. Sherburne Cook in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline” carefully computes the number of Indians sold into slavery throughout New England and estimates that at least 511 Indians were sold at Plymouth, p. 20. James Drake in King Philip’s War calculates that while “in 1670 Indians constituted nearly 25 percent of New England’s inhabitants, by 1680 they made up only 8–12 percent,” p. 169; not only had the Indian population been dramatically reduced by the war, the English population had significantly increased by 1680. Jeremy Bangs in Indian Deeds writes of Plymouth’s inability to purchase the Mount Hope Peninsula in 1680, p. 184. Stephen Webb in 1676 claims that “Per-capita incomes in New England did not recover their 1675 levels until 1775. They did not exceed this pre-1676 norm until 1815,” p. 243. Webb also writes, “[T]he puritan purge of the ‘heathen barbarians’ from their midst not only externalized but also reinforced the native barrier to New England’s growth. A frontier line, between colonists and natives…replaced the cellular structure of mixed Indian and colonial villages, and was a far more effective limit on New England expansion. King Philip’s War had sapped the physical (and psychic) strength of Puritanism, limited the territorial frontiers of New England, and dramatically reduced the corporate colonies’ ability to resist the rising tide of English empire either politically or economically,” p. 412. See also T. H. Breen’s essay “War, Taxes, and Political Brokers” in Puritans and Adventurers. Richard Slotkin in Regeneration through Violence writes, “What [the Pilgrims] desired above all was a tabula rasa on which they could inscribe their dream: the outline of an idealized Puritan England,” p. 38. Benjamin Church chronicles his five post–King Philip’s War expeditions against the French and Indians in the second part of EPRPW; see Henry Martyn Dexter’s introduction to the second volume, pp. vii–xxxii. Richard Slotkin in his introduction to Church’s narrative in So Dreadfull a Judgment writes of Church becoming “immensely fat” in old age and needing assistance from two Indian guards, p. 375. In 1718, Church’s weight would literally be the death of him when his horse stumbled and threw him over his head; according to an account provided by his descendants, “the colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with such force that a blood vessel was broken, and the blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His wife was soon brought to him; he tried but was unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve hours,” quoted in Alan and Mary Simpson’s introduction to Church’s narrative, pp. 39–41.
    For a concise account of the travels of Bradford’s manuscript, see Samuel Eliot Morison’s introduction in OPP, pp. xxvii–xl. On the various editions of Church’s narrative, see Dexter’s introduction to EPRPW, pp. vii–xiv. I have based my account of the legend of Maushop on five different versions collected in William Simmons’s